which is one way to “show” imagery rather than “tell” it?
a. use specific description
b. use general description
c. use adjectives liberally
d. use strong prepositions

It means What is burned in the dry crystallization of naphthalene  in English.

The answer is: c.The Preamble explains the reasons why the leaders of the United States ordained the Constitution as America's guiding legal document.

The preamble was made when the framers want to replace the articles of confederation with the constitution. It give general statement of what readers about to read and highlight the fundamental principles of why they are needed to replace the previous document.

Answer:

c

Explanation:

The statement, - For approximately 50 years, asl was banned in most schools for the deaf" is false.

The statement that "ASL was banned in most schools for the deaf for approximately 50 years" is false. While it is true that there was a period in deaf education history known as the "oralism era," during which the use of sign language, including ASL, was discouraged or prohibited in many educational institutions for the deaf, this period did not span approximately 50 years.

The oralism era began in the late 19th century and continued into the mid-20th century, roughly lasting for around 50 years, but ASL was not universally banned in all schools for the deaf during this entire period. Additionally, the extent and enforcement of bans on sign language varied among different educational institutions and regions.

엄마  and  아빠 is how you say mom and dad in korean

So- Korean for mom is 엄마, which goes to (eomma). The e is silent, so its just omma. o-ma.

For dad, it's 아빠, which is (appa). It is pronounced exactly how it is written. a-pa.

The answer is D, indexing!

I got this answer wrong due to the other answer below :/

self-inflicted injury

Answer:

yo yo yo yo its textual evidence skratatata

Explanation:

yeeeeeeeet

it will show their face picture if you are on a google doc

we dare to say, therefore, to keep the peace.

argumentum hoc omnium decernente sententia

means hoped this helped

And why do I regard the British rule as a curse?  

In common with many of my countrymen, I had hugged the fond hope that the proposed Round Table Conference might furnish a solution. But when you said plainly that you could not give any assurance that you or the British Cabinet would pledge yourselves to support a scheme of full Dominion Status, the Round Table Conference could not possibly furnish the solution for which vocal India is consciously, and the dumb millions are unconsciously, thirsting. Needless to say there never was any question of Parliament's verdict being anticipated. Instances are not wanting of the British Cabinet, in anticipation of the Parliamentary verdict, having pledged itself to a particular policy.    

The iniquities sampled above are maintained in order to carry on a foreign administration, demonstrably the most expensive in the world. Take your own salary. It is over Rs. 21,000 per month, besides many other indirect additions. The British Prime Minister gets £5,000 per year, i.e. over Rs. 5,400 per month at the present rate of exchange. You are getting over Rs. 700 per day against India's average income of less than two annas per day. The Prime Minister gets Rs. 180 per day against Great Britain's average income of nearly Rs. 2 per day. Thus you are getting much over five thousand times India's average income. The British Prime Minister is getting only ninety times Britain's average income. On bended knee I ask you to ponder over this phenomenon. I have taken a personal illustration to drive home a painful truth. I have too great a regard for you as a man to wish to hurt your feelings. I know that you do not need the salary you get. Probably the whole of your salary goes for charity. But a system that provides for such an arrangement deserves to be summarily scrapped. What is true of the Vice regal salary is true generally of the whole administration.

It is common cause that, however disorganised, and, for the time being, insignificant, it may be, the party of violence is gaining ground and making itself felt. Its end is the same as mine. But I am convinced that it cannot bring the desired relief to the dumb millions. And the conviction is growing deeper and deeper in me that nothing but unadulterated non-violence can check the organised violence of the British Government. Many think that non-violence is not an active force. My experience, limited though it undoubtedly is, shows that non-violence can be intensely active force. It is my purpose to set in motion that force as well against the organised violent force of the British rule as the unorganised violent force of the growing party of violence. To sit still would be to give rein to both the forces above mentioned. Having an unquestioning and immovable faith in the efficacy of non-violence, as I know it, it would be sinful on my part to wait any longer.

This non-violence will he expressed through civil disobedience, for the moment confined to the inmates of the Satyagraha Ashram, but ultimately designed to cover all those who choose to join the movement with its obvious limitations.

I know that in embarking on non-violence I shall be running what might fairly be termed a mad risk. But the victories of truth have never been won without risks, often of the gravest character. Conversion of a nation that has consciously or unconsciously preyed upon another, far more numerous, far more ancient and no less cultured than itself, is worth any amount of risk.

I have deliberately used the word conversion. For my ambition is no less than to convert the British people, through non-violence, and thus make them see the wrong they have done to India. I do not seek to harm your people. I want to serve them even as I want to serve my own. I believe that I have always served them. I served them up to 1919 blindly. But when my eyes were opened and I conceived non-cooperation, the object still was to serve them. I employed the same weapon that I have in all humility successfully used against the dearest members of my family. If I have equal love for your people with mine it will not long remain hidden. It will be acknowledged by them even as the member of my family acknowledged it after they had tried me for several years. If the people join me as I expect they will, the sufferings they will undergo, unless the British nation sooner retraces its steps, will be enough to melt the stoniest hearts.

i know its 2 looooong

but im sry

hehehe

1,2 and 4 is da awnser

the literary technique is repetition . it's no.b.

I hope it helps ;D

The correct answer is B. Repetition.

Explanation

Repetition is a literary figure that has the function of emphasizing an expression or idea, showing interest or highlighting the expression, and can be used in any type of text, especially literary ones. The repetition can be of a word or a phrase. Consistent with the above, the statement "…and if being bound in that manner, is not slavery, then is there not such a thing as slavery upon earth." uses repetition because it repeats the word slavery twice. So, the correct answer is B. Repetition.

are there answer choices??

c...................................................................C.................................................................................................................C...............................

In American Sign Language (ASL), when referring to a person who is not present in the room, you would typically index or point towards their actual location. The correct answer is: c: toward his or her actual location

Pointing in the direction where the person is located helps to establish clarity and context within the signing space.

This method allows for smoother communication by acknowledging the absent person's presence or position, ensuring that others understand who or what you're referencing during the conversation.

Past: planned

Future: Will plan